January: Activism in Oregon


"To begin with, then, we are rejoiced to see something started which will bring the women to the knowledge they can deviate from long-established customs without bringing down the heavens upon their heads. Thousands and tens of thousands of them will blockade sidewalks, interfere with municipal ordinances, sing and pray in the most public places to be seen by men, and by this means be awakened to a realizing sense of their political duties."

Abigail Scott Duniway, The New Northwest, 1874.

January   February   March   April   May   June   July   August  September  October  November

Want to learn about Oregon History every day? Like The OE Facebook and Twitter pages to see our daily history posts. 
fb   twitter




East Indians of Oregon and the Ghadar Party
by Johanna Ogden

In the spring of 1913, East Indian laborers, activists, students, and intellectuals organized to form the radical nationalist Ghadar Party in Astoria. They attended Ghadar’s founding meeting in the Finnish Socialist Hall, arriving by rail, boat, and car and on foot from British Columbia, San Francisco, and communities along the Columbia River. Activists organized Ghadar in Oregon for several reasons. Oregon leaders such as newspaperman Harvey Scott and Judge Matthew Deady had developed a specific racial strategy for Oregon. By providing a safe environment, the state had attracted and prospered from Chinese laborers and, later, “Hindus,” driven out by racial violence elsewhere in the West. Deady, Scott, and others took hard stands against race riots. Consequently, especially in western Oregon, there was much less anti-Asian violence than in the rest of the West. Many of these same Oregon leaders, however, also drafted constitutional measures in 1857 to ensure that Negroes, Mulattos, women, and Chinese—and later Japanese, East Indian, and Filipino—could never become citizens or vote. Oregon’s message to Asian laborers seemed to welcome them to work but not to stay.



Louise Bryant
by Michael Munk

A poet, playwright, and society columnist, Bryant was part of Portland’s “vest pocket” Bohemia. An illustrator for the Oregon Spectator, she also submitted articles and plays to radical publications such as The Masses and volunteered as a visitor to women inmates in the county jail. Bryant was part of lecture tours in support of woman suffrage, traveling with activist Sarah Bard Field and sisters Emma and Clara Wold, who were writers, teachers, and librarians. At their home on Southwest Riverwood Road, Bryant and her husband Paul Trullinger entertained such political activists as Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. She was also one of “eight pretty maidens” decorating the Rose Festival float in 1912 to celebrate Oregon women receiving the vote.


Avel Gordly
by Patricia Schechter

In 1996, Avel Louise Gordly was the first African American woman to be elected to the Oregon State Senate. A key affiliation for Gordly had been the Black United Front, a national civil rights group headquartered in Chicago. Portland’s dynamic BUF was founded in 1979 by a core group of activists, including Ronald Herndon and the Reverend John Jackson. In addition to handling media work for the group, Gordly coordinated the Front’s Saturday School, whose African American history program was tied to curriculum reform in the public education system. With the Front’s spin-off, Portlanders Organized for Southern African Freedom, and in concert with the American Friends Service Committee, Gordly helped score key anti-apartheid victories in Oregon during the 1980s, including the resignation of the South African consul from his Portland office and divestiture legislation in Salem.



Grace Wick
by Kathy Tucker

Grace Wick was a political gadfly in Portland, where she was an activist against the New Deal. While she had once been involved in mainstream politics as a supporter and friendly acquaintance of Democratic Governor Walter M. Pierce, the Great Depression crushed her economically, and she was increasingly attracted to the marginalized politics of right-wing America. Wick, who had been an actress on the East Coast, moved to Jackson County in 1922. There she actively helped Pierce in his successful 1922 gubernatorial campaign. She moved to Portland in 1927 and worked as an actress and radio producer. She continued to be politically active, and, according to biographer June Melby Benowitz, “began both a crusade against capital punishment and an attempt to destroy the political career of Governor Pierce.” Politics were personal for Wick, who turned against Pierce after he refused to pardon the son of a friend who had been sentenced to death.

Gay and Lesbian Rights Movement
by Peter Boag

Gays first began organizing in Portland in early March 1970. They advertised their cause in the pages of the Willamette Bridge, a counter-culture newspaper that began in 1968 and carried news about Vietnam, the Black Panthers, Students for a Democratic Society, rock concerts, alternative lifestyles, and the environment. Although the social element was important to these early activists, they immediately identified politics as central to their purpose. They outlined a plan to speak in college classes and to church and civil groups, to provide radio and television interviews, to write articles for the press, and to lobby for the abolition of legislation that oppressed gays. Gay Liberation in Portland also led to the formation of local organizations such as the Second Foundation, which on May 7, 1972, opened the first gay community center in Oregon.

pride parade

Three Sisters Wilderness
by Kevin Marsh

In 1937, the U.S. Forest Service designated 191,108 acres as the Three Sisters Primitive Area. The following year, the agency added 55,620 acres of lower-elevation, forested terrain on the west side. This addition was instigated by Bob Marshall, a Forest Service administrator and co-founder of the Wilderness Society. By 1939, the agency developed a new national category of “wilderness areas,” which further limited allowed uses. The Forest Service formally proposed to upgrade the status of the Three Sisters region to a wilderness area in 1954, but in doing so, planned to remove from protection 53,000 acres of forest lands, most of the area added in 1938. Hikers, outfitters, scientists, and local activists responded in opposition. Led by Karl Onthank, the dean of students at the University of Oregon, and his wife Ruth of the Eugene Natural History Society, they met in the Onthank's home to form the Friends of the Three Sisters Wilderness area in 1954, the first wilderness activist group in the Northwest.

  three sisters


Lizzie Weeks
by Kimberly Jensen

Lizzie Koontz Weeks was an African American activist in Portland in the years after women in Oregon had achieved the right to vote in 1912. She organized black women to empower them to be successful voters and was an early candidate for local party office. Weeks was the first female African American social worker to be employed by Multnomah County. Weeks and her colleagues focused on voter registration of African American women in Portland, urging them to vote the Republican ticket and inviting local candidates to present their positions at club meetings at the Central Library. In 1916, she took part in a citywide voter registration drive sponsored by Republican women. Two years later, in 1918, she was a candidate for Republican precinct committee member.



Industrial Workers of the World
by Adam Hodges

The Industrial Workers of the World, also known as Wobblies—founded in 1905 and crushed for its opposition to World War I—was the most active and most actively opposed revolutionary union of its time. In Oregon, the IWW was rooted in lumber camps and mills in the western part of the state and among field hands in eastern agricultural areas. Working conditions were poor in those industries, and employers strenuously fought unionization, particularly by the IWW, which refused to make agreements with capitalists and advocated sabotage on the job. The IWW had its Oregon headquarters in Portland’s North End, a neighborhood that was densely populated with poor men and home to much of the city’s vice. The itinerant workers who sometimes called the North End home did much to build IWW culture in Oregon, and that culture shared the neighborhood's fate. Political pressure swept the brothels out of the North End in 1913 and closed the saloons in 1916. The IWW lost its meeting hall after the state passed a “criminal syndicalism” law in 1919 that made revolutionary organizing illegal.



Grace Phelps
by Barbara Gaines

In 1909, Grace Phelps began an activist career that would define her significant contributions to Oregon nursing. Portland attorney Sylvanus Kingsley, her brother-in-law, would later say of her: “The betterment of conditions for nurses was in fact her primary objective in life.” Phelps's activist agenda included advocating for the registration of nurses (1909-1911), founding a professional association (now Oregon Nurses’ Association), and organizing home-nursing courses for the American Red Cross. She also advocated for baccalaureate nursing education for nurses in Oregon. In 1915, she completed a post-graduate course in hospital management at St. Luke's Hospital in San Francisco. Returning to Portland, was named superintendent of nurses at Multnomah County Hospital.


David James Duncan
by Bob Bumstead

Rivers have always fascinated Oregon author David James Duncan, who was born in east Portland in 1952. Though he now lives in Montana on an upper tributary of the Columbia, Oregon rivers run through the current of his fiction. While still a student at Reynolds High School in Troutdale, Duncan read Thomas Mann’s Buddenbrooks, which inspired him to dive into the world of philosophical literature and religious texts in an attempt to live by the light of an interior spark. In 1995, Duncan published a collection of autobiographical stories and environmental essays, River Teeth: Stories and Writings. His collection of twenty-two essays, My Story as Told by Water, published in 2001, solidified his reputation as one of the environmental movement's most passionate and mystical activists, dedicated to the twin beauties of love and water. In My Story as Told by Water, Duncan writes: “I mostly fish rivers these days. In doing so, movement becomes stasis, flux is the constant, and everything flows around, through, and beyond me, escaping ungrasped, unnamed, and unscathed.”

  river why


Pollution in Paradise
by William G. Robbins

KGW-TV aired Tom McCall’s one-hour documentary Pollution in Paradise on November 21, 1962. An environmental classic, the program represented McCall’s investigative skills and pressed home the powerful idea that there should be no tension between jobs and livability—Oregonians could enjoy both a robust economy and a healthy environment. Pollution in Paradise leveraged a new political spirit in Oregon, placing environmental issues at the forefront of state politics as never before. On the national stage, Pollution in Paradise paired well with other events raising the nation’s environmental consciousness, especially the publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring on September 27, 1962. McCall’s documentary was a tour de force, a courageous and moral call to citizen action, elevating Oregon’s most popular news commentator to Oregon’s secretary of state office in 1964 and then election as governor in 1966. As the state’s chief executive, McCall was an activist’s activist—celebrating Oregon’s beauty, its opportunities, and the independent spirit of its citizens, while successfully urging legislators to enact some of the nation’s most comprehensive environmental reforms.

Julia Ruuttila
by Sandy Polishuk

Julia Ruuttila was a labor and investigative journalist, a poet and fiction writer, and a union, peace, and justice activist who lived all but a few years of her life in Oregon.

In 1935, as a surge of union organizing hit the nation, she was living with her husband Maurice “Butch” Bertram at the Linnton sawmill where he was employed. The couple recruited mill workers for a woodworkers’ union, and she founded and headed the ladies’ auxiliary. In 1937, the union left the AFL for the CIO and became the International Woodworkers of America, precipitating an eight and half month lock out. Under her leadership, the auxiliary successfully supported the workers and their families so they could afford to maintain solidarity until their hearing before the National Labor Relations Board, where they were successful.


nuke protest  

Anti-Nuclear Movement
by Daniel Pope

Anti-nuclear activism in Oregon paralleled the national movement against nuclear power in the late-1960s. Several factors, however, made the opposition to nuclear power in Oregon distinctive. One was the state's tradition of direct democracy, the use of initiatives to enact legislation by popular vote. In 1968, voters in Eugene overwhelmingly approved a bond issue to finance a nuclear project proposed by the Eugene Water and Electric Board. Opponents of the project soon coalesced in the Eugene Future Power Committee, which placed an initiative on the ballot in May 1970 to impose a moratorium on the utility's participation in nuclear power. Their slogan, "We can wait. We should wait," reflected the moderate political stance of the EFPC. It was the first time in the nation that voters stymied nuclear construction plans.


Gus J. Solomon
by Harry Stein

Gus J. Solomon, the longest-serving federal judge in Oregon history, was the Portland-born child of newly wealthy immigrant East European Jews. He was crucially shaped by their communal traditions and immigrant neighborhood and by the pressures on his family and neighbors to assimilate and be model citizens. Solomon emerged in adulthood as a centrist New Deal liberal, Jewish activist, civil libertarian, patriot, and middle-class white male. He won repute in the 1930s as a shrewd, energetic, and dedicated attorney for public-power interests and those seeking civil liberties. He promoted lawyers' involvement in social movements and helped establish the Legal Aid Society, a plaintiff attorney club, and a National Lawyers Guild chapter. He represented businesses, unions, and Communists and goaded his local American Civil Liberties Union into action. In 1937, at the age of thirty, he was a driving force behind the national ACLU's landmark Bill of Rights opinion, DeJonge v. Oregon. Solomon also toiled for Japanese Americans returning from forced internment in 1944-1946. By then, Solomon enjoyed a sizable reputation in New Deal and northwestern liberal circles. He also continued to be Red-baited (despite being vocally anti-Communist) and assailed as a Jew or a traitor—never more so than during his bruising 1949-1950 battle to join the U.S. District Court for Oregon, a position he won in 1950.



William McClendon
by Stan Fonseca

William McClendon was a writer, journalist, intellectual, activist, and jazz musician who was a prominent member of Portland’s civil rights community from 1938 until his death in 1996. He was the founder and editor of the Portland Observer, a short-lived but vitally important newspaper that focused on issues facing African Americans in Portland before and during World War II. In June 1943, McClendon agreed to publish the People’s Observer at the behest of the Shipyard Negro Organization for Victory, an activist group. McClendon was employed at the shipyards when the first issue was printed, but would be fired that July after leading a protest to address complaints about racial epithets aimed at black female employees.  The bimonthly newspaper was intended to "fight social and economic evils detrimental to the Negro people and other minorities," according to McClendon, and it became a mouthpiece of the civil rights coalition and an important part of the black community. McClendon wrote passionate editorials in nearly every issue, taking on controversial issues with keen insight and blunt honesty. The People’s Observer helped publicize instances of police brutality, workplace discrimination, and government corruption. McClendon wrote several editorials, for example, that strongly criticized the Portland Police and the Oregon court system after the wrongful shooting of a black man named Erwin Jones by a police officer in August 1945, and the exoneration of that officer in court. 

Oregon Citizen’s Alliance
by Randy Blazak

The Oregon Citizens Alliance was a conservative activist group and political action committee that rose to prominence in the late 1980s as part of a national backlash against the gay civil rights movement. As one of OCA’s founders, Executive Director Lon Mabon was considered a voice in the so-called culture wars of the early 1990s. He was also the chair of the United States Citizens Alliance, the umbrella group for the OCA and its sister organizations, which was part of his larger effort to expand his fight against what he called the “homosexual political agenda.” Mabon founded the OCA as part of a campaign designed to unseat Republican Senator Robert Packwood with a fundamentalist Baptist minister named Joe Lutz, who surprised pundits by winning 42.3 percent of the vote in the Republican primary. The Oregon Citizens Alliance is best known for sponsoring ballot initiatives that would undo protections against the discrimination of Oregonians who were gay. Ballot Measure 9, OCA’s largest campaign, was on the ballot in 1992. The measure would amend the Oregon constitution to recognize “homosexuality, pedophilia, sadism and masochism as abnormal, wrong, unnatural, and perverse." It would also prevent any “special rights” for homosexuals and bisexuals. The campaign in support of Measure 9 compared homosexuality to bestiality and pedophilia and galvanized a coalition of opposition groups from various faith communities, ethnic minorities, and LGBTQ groups, leading to the formation of Basic Rights Oregon.



Single Tax
by Robert Johnston

The single tax was arguably the most contentious issue in Oregon politics during the early twentieth century. The brainchild of reformer Henry George, the single tax involved government appropriation of all "unearned" increases in land values. A concrete example: If Henry Corbett bought a block of land in downtown Portland for $5,000 in 1880 and did not build or improve the lot but it increased in value to $10,000 in 1890, then the extra $5,000 would go straight into the government coffers. The purpose of the tax was not only to fund government, but even more to encourage development and break up the concentration of wealth in landholding, which single taxers believed was the primary cause of poverty and inequality. It would be a single tax because all other taxes would be abolished. The single tax came to Oregon as the most important goal for William U'Ren, the chief architect of the Oregon System of initiative, referendum, and recall. U'Ren and his allies put different versions of the single tax on the Oregon ballot at every election between 1908 and 1916. The only time single taxers won was in 1910, and that came with a watered-down proposal that many claimed was unclear to voters. Otherwise, Oregon voters decisively rejected single-tax proposals.

John Yeon
by Randy Gragg

Few architects have influenced the state of Oregon as broadly as John Yeon. A planner, conservationist, historic preservationist, art collector, and urban activist, as well as one of the state's most gifted residential designers, Yeon was a founder of the Northwest Regional Style of architecture and one of the earliest visionaries in the realization of the Columbia Gorge National Scenic Area. His 1937 Report on the Columbia Gorge is arguably the Northwest's first comprehensive environmental impact statement. It outlines the future effects of and mitigations for the future Bonneville Dam, proposing new highway standards, power rates, and public land acquisitions. In 1938, he wrote "Freeways for Oregon," proposing a series of beautification measures for roads, which the state adopted. He personally and successfully lobbied the chief of the U.S. Bureau of Public Roads to build new highways through the Columbia River Gorge and around Neahkahnie Mountain, with picturesque curves in defiance of the era's fad for geometric highway building.


woman suffrage  

Woman Suffrage in Oregon
by Kimberly Jensen

The achievement of suffrage in Oregon in 1912 led to many important developments for women’s full citizenship rights. The success of the 1912 campaign, which removed the word “male” from voting privileges outlined in the Oregon Constitution, did not mean that all Oregon women could vote. First-generation women (and men) who migrated from Asia were prohibited from becoming naturalized citizens and could not cast a ballot. Native American women, except those married to white men, were also ineligible for U.S. citizenship until federal legislation in 1924. Racial and ethnic barriers to citizenship and voting persisted.

Changes in federal legislation also benefited Oregon women. Sex was included as a prohibited category of discrimination in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and in Title IX to the Educational Act of 1972, which prohibited discrimination on the basis of sex under any educational programs or programs receiving federal funds, including sports. Oregon ratified the Equal Rights Amendment in 1973 and re-ratified it in 1977 as a show of support in the continuing national campaign (the ERA has not yet been ratified). In 1982, Oregon Supreme Court Justice Betty Roberts found in Hewitt v. State Accident Insurance Fund Corporation that Article I, Section 20 of the Oregon Constitution—which states that “no law shall be passed granting to any citizen or class of citizens privileges, or immunities, which, upon the same terms, shall not equally belong to all citizens” —provided equal protection and was, in fact, a state equal rights clause.

David Sohappy
by Andrew Fisher

Born and raised on the Yakama Reservation in south-central Washington, David Sohappy began catching salmon at age five and spent much of each year along the Columbia River. In 1965, Sohappy moved his family to Cook's Landing, an in-lieu fishing site built at the mouth of the Little White Salmon River to replace traditional locations flooded by Bonneville Dam. There they became embroiled in the growing controversy between the tribes and the states over off-reservation fishing rights. Oregon and Washington had been prosecuting tribal fishers for fifty years, claiming that treaty rights did not exempt Indians from state regulation. In 1968, tired of shouldering the burden of conservation and the blame for depleted salmon populations, Sohappy and thirteen others filed a lawsuit against Oregon Fish Commissioner McKee Smith to prevent further state interference with their rights under the 1855 Yakama treaty.



Beatrice Morrow Cannady
by Quintard Taylor

Beatrice Morrow Cannady was the most noted civil rights activist in early twentieth-century Oregon. Using her position as editor of the Advocate, Oregon's largest and, at times, the only African American newspaper, Cannady launched numerous efforts to defend the civil rights of African Americans in the state and to challenge racial discrimination. Two years after joining the Advocate in 1912, Cannady was a founding member of the Portland NAACP. She quickly emerged as its most powerful voice when she directed the local protest against the controversial anti-black film, The Birth of a Nation. Cannady and other community leaders carried on a fifteen-year campaign to limit the showing of the film. Through the pages of the Advocate, Cannady confronted the racial discrimination routinely practiced by restaurants, hotels, and movie theaters in Oregon and the Pacific Northwest. She successfully challenged the exclusion of African American children from public schools in Longview, Washington, and Vernonia, Oregon, and kept her readers informed of Ku Klux Klan activity throughout the state.

Basic Rights Oregon
by Heather Burmeister

Established in 1996, Basic Rights Oregon was the first statewide political organization in Oregon to work on the behalf of LGBTQ rights. Its mission is to ensure that LGBTQ Oregonians “experience equality by building a broad and inclusive politically powerful movement, shifting public opinion, and achieving policy victories." Part of a national movement seeking justice and marriage equality, Basic Rights Oregon is the largest nonprofit gay rights organization in the state. In 2007, Basic Rights Oregon lobbied successfully for the passage of two laws to establish domestic partnerships for same-gendered couples and to ban discrimination against LGBTQ people. On May 9, 2007, Governor Ted Kulongoski signed the Oregon Family Fairness Act, which provided essential rights to gay and lesbian couples, and the Oregon Equality Act, which protects LGBTQ people from discrimination in housing, employment, foster parenting, public schools, and public accommodations. The Oregon Equality Act makes Oregon one of only fifteen states that respect individual expression of gender identity.

  basic rights or


Kathryn Hall Bogle
by Kimberley Mangun

A freelance journalist, social worker, and community activist, Kathryn Hall Bogle is remembered as “one of Portland’s earliest and most passionate advocates of racial diversity.” She wrote articles for many African American newspapers, including the Pittsburgh Courier, the Seattle-based Northwest Enterprise, the Portland Observer, and The Skanner, and was presented a Lifetime Achievement Award by the Portland Association of Black Journalists in 1993. Bogle may be best known for “An American Negro Speaks of Color,” a 2,000-word article she sold to the Oregonian in 1937 that described the realities of being black in Portland. It was the first time the newspaper paid an African American for a story. Bogle helped found Friends of the Golden West, which worked to secure historic status for the former Golden West Hotel at the corner of Broadway and Everett. Her father-in-law, Waldo Bogle, had operated a barbershop there during the 1920s. She was also an active member of the Portland Branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and she founded the Portland chapter of Links, Inc., which planned educational and civic activities to promote equality.

Linus Pauling
by Tom Hager

Linus Pauling, who was born, raised, and educated in Oregon, became one of the world’s leading scientists and the only person to win two unshared Nobel Prizes—for Chemistry  in 1954 and for Peace in 1962. Pauling defined the nature of the chemical bond, discovered basic protein structures, and pinpointed the cause of sickle-cell anemia. His work advanced the fields of structural chemistry, x-ray crystallography, electron diffraction, quantum mechanics, biochemistry, molecular psychiatry, nuclear physics, anesthesia, immunology, and vitamin studies. He also helped corral nuclear testing and changed world attitudes toward nutrition. After World War II, shocked by the Hiroshima bomb and with the strong support of his wife Ava, he focused on political issues, working tirelessly to slow the spread of nuclear weapons. Through the 1950s he established himself as one of the world’s leading activists against the testing and proliferation of nuclear weapons—picketing, debating, making speeches, publishing opinion pieces, joining activist groups, and writing petitions. The U.S. government branded him a Communist, which he was not, and put him under FBI surveillance. His passport was revoked, he was called before investigatory committees, and some scientific funding was halted. Pauling responded by speaking out more widely. In 1962, he won the Nobel Peace Prize.



Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del Noroeste (PCUN)
by David Woken

Founded in April 1985, the Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del Noroeste (the Northwest Tree-Planters and Farmworkers United) is one of the largest organizations representing Latinas and Latinos in Oregon. Based in Woodburn, PCUN grew out of the work of the Willamette Valley Immigration Project, a legal aid organization created in 1977. From the beginning, PCUN pursued a multi-pronged approach to serving Oregon’s rural Latina and Latino workers, combining direct action in the fields, solidarity with other groups (religious organizations, progressive political movements, and other unions), and legislative advocacy at the state and national levels. Under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, PCUN signed up over 1,300 undocumented immigrants for legal amnesty—10 percent of all such cases processed in Oregon. Throughout the late 1980s and 1990s, the union was also a major partner in the movement to monitor and control the use of toxic pesticides in Oregon's farms and forests. PCUN has been an important advocate for increasing the minimum wage and granting collective bargaining rights to farmworkers, who are exempt from the legal rights to organize given to other workers under the National Labor Relations Act. With the decline of reforestation contracts since the 1980s, PCUN's support for pineros has been felt most strongly through these legislative battles, with their workplace organizing efforts focused on the fields. In the twenty-first century, PCUN and its affiliated organizations are a major voice in the political and social life of the state.

Marie Equi
by Michael Helquist

Dr. Marie Equi was a fiercely independent Oregon physician who was engaged in the political turmoil and social change of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She was a fearless advocate for woman's suffrage, labor rights, and free speech, and her raucous protests against imperialism and war gave her a reputation in Portland as one of the most outspoken agitators in the city. Equi was a dedicated caregiver who held her profession so dearly that even her close companions called her "Doc." Her fiery behavior first came to public notice in 1893, when she horsewhipped a school superintendent in The Dalles for refusing to pay the salary owed to her companion.  In 1903, she obtained a degree from the University of Oregon to become one of the small number of women physicians in the state. (She and four other women in her graduating class brought the number of women physicians to 60). After an internship in Pendletonshe established a general practice in Portland, primarily treating working-class women and children, often at no chargeEqui vehemently opposed war preparedness prior to World War I. She believed that profiteering capitalists and imperialists had engineered a conflict that left young men dead on the battlefields of Europe. In 1918, the federal government, in the anti-Bolshevik hysteria of the time, charged her with sedition for her anti-war speeches. She was convicted and served for ten months in San Quentin Prison.